Former soldiers and intelligence operatives have been sent to
infiltrate a network of anti-coal protesters aiming to thwart a
multibillion dollar expansion of coal production in northern NSW.
Using false identities, the spies-for-hire have attempted to
penetrate the inner sanctum of a group of environmentalists and local
landowners who have vigorously attempted to stop the coalmines at Maules
Creek and Boggabri.
In what represents a significant escalation of a heated
battle between Whitehaven Coal and Idemitsu Australia Resources and
anti-coal activists, a Fairfax Media investigation has uncovered a
clandestine campaign of significant scale but ham-fisted execution.
Verifact owner Dan Crowley. Photo: Supplied
Several undercover agents were discovered by the activists,
including one alleged spy Marnie Tisot, who was confronted on camera.
The operation raises questions of its legality given the outright
deception to disrupt protest movements.
Fairfax has interviewed individuals directly involved in the
espionage and multiple sources with detailed inside knowledge of the
surveillance have independently alleged it was orchestrated by a company
run by a former Australian military intelligence officer, Tony Groves,
and his partner, Maria Topia.
While their firm, the Centre for Intelligence and Risk
Management, had direct operational responsibility for the espionage, it
is only one link in a chain of companies believed to be involved.
Centre for Intelligence and Risk Management's Maria Topia. Photo: Facebook
Who the ultimate client was remains a mystery. Spies in the
field were not told, although it was clear the Centre for Intelligence
and Risk Management was acting for another party or parties.
Several leading corporations and prominent Australians are
also involved in the coal expansion in northern NSW and the security
operations that protect them.
Whitehaven Coal is chaired by former deputy prime minister
Mark Vaile and was owned by Nathan Tinkler until he sold his shares last
June.
In a statement, Whitehaven denied it was involved in or aware of the private spying.
But, asked if the security firm that protects the Maules
Creek site, Verifact, had any knowledge of the operation, it said only:
“Verifact are contracted to monitor access onto site to ensure
compliance with our workplace health and safety obligations."
Verifact is owned by former World Cup winning Wallaby rugby
union star and undercover Queensland policeman Dan Crowley, whose
biography was entitled Undercover Prop.
Mr Crowley and Verifact did not respond to emailed questions.
Idemitsu Australia Resources owns and operates the Boggabri
mine. The company spends $40,000 a week securing the facility, chief
operating officer Rod Bridges told the Northern Daily Leader in
January.
In a statement released to Fairfax, Mr Bridges did not
directly answer questions over whether it or a related entity was
involved or aware of the spying activity, or whether it or related
entities had engaged CIRM.
Rather than confirm or deny any involvement, he provided an explanation about why high level security was required.
“Boggabri Coal has been forced to contract site security
because of repeated incidences of unlawful entry by activists over a
period of three years,” he said. “The company [is] responsible for the
safety of all people entering the site. This responsibility extends to
activists who illegally enter the site and put themselves in dangerous
situations.’’ The surveillance operation, say insiders, has been in
place for at least five months.
“The IOs [intelligence operatives] task was to get
information on [protest] actions, report on actions, gather information
on the leadership,” said one source.
“Some were tasked to infiltrate. Others just do observation.”
Fairfax Media was unable to contact CIRM or Ms Topia and Mr
Groves. Emails, phone calls and text messages went unanswered. Ms
Topia is from New Zealand, is believed to have an intelligence
background and is the owner of CIRM. Mr Groves is a former member of the
Australian Defence Force who has worked as a private security guard in
Afghanistan and Iraq. The two are believed to be in a relationship.
Ms Topia and Mr Groves turned up at Maules Creek under
assumed identities, said protest leader Ben Solity. Mr Groves said he
was a former member of a bikie club who had previous weapons charges on
the books and made several visits.
“Tony brought a partner named Maria to the camp once with a
couple of other friends. That Maria is the same person that is pictured
in Maria Topia’s facebook profile,” said Mr Solity.
The protesters were already deeply worried about infiltration
when they confronted Marnie Tisot in May. Ms Tisot had visited the camp
on four occasions under the alias Loulou Mayfield, even acting as a
spokeswoman at one point.
Her suspicious behaviour, and the inadvertent revealing of
her real name in an email she sent, led to the discovery that she worked
for Professional Service Solutions (PSS), a Brisbane intelligence and
security firm that has worked for the United Nations.
Confronted on camera, she denied she was working undercover,
breaking down in tears and saying she had assumed her false identity to
escape the attention of a violent ex-husband. She also said she had
stopped working for PSS.
However, Ms Tisot continued to use her real name once she
left Maules Creek and returned quickly back to work at PSS after being
detected.
Her emotional story about fleeing a violent man was also
undermined by the prominent profile and photograph on the PSS website
and the fact there were business cards in her name with her mobile
number at the office of PSS last week. In a brief interview with Fairfax
Media, Ms Tisot declined to outline what she was doing at Maules Creek
but referred Fairfax to her explanation on video.
However, multiple sources familiar with the operation have
confirmed to Fairfax that Ms Tisot was working as an intelligence
operative for CIRM.
The chief executive of PSS, Craig Coleman, said PSS had never
been involved in the operation and Ms Tisot’s activities were done “in
a personal capacity”.
“This has nothing to do with PSS,” he said. “I have
confidentiality agreements with my staff and I’m sure whatever ops they
had down at Maules Creek also had confidentiality agreements as well.”
Barbara McDonald, a law professor at Sydney University and
privacy expert, said any spying arranged by a private company that
involved false identities and deception was legally questionable.
It could fall foul of provisions in the corporations,
consumer and privacy laws, particularly if “someone had acted on the
deception to the material detriment” of those being spied on, she said.
However, anti-coal protesters have also been found to have
broken the law, with mass arrests and the guilty plea for disseminating
false information last week by Jonathan Moylan, who sent out a fake ANZ
Bank press release claiming the bank was withdrawing a $1.2 billion loan
facility for the Maules Creek mine.
Mr Solity said the campaign at Maules Creek was to “raise
awareness about the destruction of the Leard State Forest for a mine
which will inevitably contribute to a large amount of carbon emissions
that will exacerbate climate change’’.
The building where Monaco company Akira Investments has its mailing address.
A short limousine ride from the famous Monte Carlo casino,
the Les Caravelles building enjoys a dress circle position overlooking
Port Hercules - a popular place for the world's mega-rich to park their
super yachts when visiting the Cote d'Azur.
According to documents filed with the Australian Electoral
Commission, it is also the mailing address for Akira Investments Ltd, a
generous donor to the Free Enterprise Foundation, a mysterious entity
closely linked to the Liberal and National parties.
Given the foundation has no phone number and no website, just
how a company domiciled in Monaco came to donate $200,000 last
financial year - an extraordinarily large donation by Australian
standards - is intriguing enough.
But just who is behind Akira Investments is also shrouded in
mystery. Regulatory authorities in Monaco say there is no record of its
existence. Nor does it appear in Australian company records.
According to the Australian Electoral Commission, Akira
Investments has failed to lodge a political donation disclosure form, as
required by law.
But an AEC spokesman said the commission is powerless to
chase the company as the act governing its operations does not have
''international jurisdiction''.
Liberal Party federal director Brian Loughnane did not
respond to a request to discuss the donation to the foundation, which
is classified as an ''associated entity'' of the Liberal and National
parties for election funding purposes.
The foundation's long-serving trustee, Canberra accountant Tony Bandle, did not return Fairfax Media's call or an email.
Mr Bandle was recently grilled at the NSW Independent
Commission Against Corruption about whether the foundation was used to
channel funds from banned donors back to the NSW Liberals.
''Well, what I want to know is - I'll put it to you directly,
this is just a way of funding the Liberal Party isn't it?'' asked
Geoffrey Watson, SC, counsel assisting. ''No, I don't believe so,'' Mr
Bandle replied. The inquiry produced a letter from the NSW Liberal
Party's then chief fund-raiser, Paul Nicolaou, to Mr Bandle. It was
dated December 16, 2010, only months out from the NSW state election.
Mr Nicolaou attached a $53,000 cheque from banned donor
Nathan Tinkler's Boardwalk Resources. ''They would like the trustees to
consider donating their contributions to the Liberal Party of Australia
NSW Division,'' Mr Nicolaou wrote.
This practice was repeated on numerous occasions but Mr
Bandle insisted that the foundation had the discretion not to follow
such instructions. However, he could not name a single instance when he
had not done as he was told.
Another witness, Ray Carter, an electorate officer for former
NSW energy minister Chris Hartcher, told the inquiry, ''I was told from
the beginning, the best way to raise money [was] through the Free
Enterprise Foundation''.
Mr Carter said he knew the money was from banned donors and had discussed the ''legality'' with Mr Nicolaou.
''He said, more or less, 'that's what the Free Enterprise was for'. ''
As a result of allegations raised at ICAC, Mr Nicolaou
recently stepped down as executive director of the Millennium Forum, the
Liberals' chief fund-raising body.
Photo courtesy static4.demotix.com Corruption has become the creeping cancer of the Coalition, writes Peter Wicks from Wixxyleaks.
IF THERE is a political stain that has become more repugnant than the
stain on Monica Lewinsky’s cocktail dress, it is the stain left on
Australian politics by corruption allegations.
I recall there being an air of disbelief at that amount of corruption in a state government and the names Obeid, Tripodi, McDonald and Kelly became names of notoriety.
Now we have a Coalition Government in NSW and things have gotten even worse. Much worse.
After not even one term in government, the Coalition in NSW has been
exposed as the most corrupt government in our nation’s history.
So far, the revelations uncovered by the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) has seen nine Coalition MPs resign or say they won’t stand again. It has even seen the resignation
of former Premier, Barry O’Farrell. Actually, the Liberal Party in NSW
has seen both leaders of the upper and lower houses of parliament stand
down over evidence that has surfaced at ICAC hearings.
These are just the MPs that have fallen on their sword. There are many others
such as former Attorney-General, Greg Smith and the factional power
man, David Clarke, whose names have surfaced but have not yet had the
decency to stand down or give a reasonable explanation.
New Premier, Mike Baird, was in the top job for less than 24 hours before, as yet, unexplained allegations of undisclosed donations from dodgy sources arose, as well as cushy appointments given to a campaign donor. It seems that there is nobody in the NSW Liberal Party that is untouched by this scandal.
The evidence that has been raised at ICAC in NSW has revolved around
lobbyists, dodgy campaign donations, jobs for the boys, and people
buying influence.
Little wonder Joe Hockey got all upset when Fairfax ran the headline:
Heaven forbid that anyone would get the wrong impression of Joe!
Charging $22,000 for access to the Treasurer would clearly have
nothing to do with buying influence! It is surely due to Joe’s charming
personality! Indeed, if we looked into it, people were surely paying
$22,000 to chat with Joe when he was just a back-bencher, or even before
he became a politician!
Hockey is now suing Fairfax for the string of articles that put his actions under the microscope — a microscope that was only meant for Labor MPs.
ICAC has also seen two Federal members of parliament have their names dragged through the mud.
The electorate of Dobell has brought about yet another tainted vote in the form of Karen McNamara
who has been accused of electoral fraud. She has also been linked with a
slush fund and trust account that was used to launder illegal political
donations and clean them up for disgraced NSW Liberal, Chris Hartcher.
Our former Federal Assistant Treasurer, Arthur Sinodinos, was forced to resign from his position after being dragged into ICAC to explain his role in the Australia Water Holdings corruption scandal and his intended $20 million pay-day.
Who can forget the Deputy Leader of the Nationals in the Senate, Senator Fiona Nash?
Nash was censured
in parliament after being found to have misled parliament in relation
to her appointment of a lobbyist for the junk food industry, Alastair
Furnival, as her Chief of Staff. Given that Nash is the Assistant Health
Minister, this was always going to be an issue once discovered.
The conflict of interest scandal broke
after Furnival and Nash shut down a new healthy food ratings website
that was going to see Furnival’s clients cop a negative rating.
Abbott's Chocolategate
Furnival was also involved in lobbying for Cadbury so they could score hand-outs from the taxpayer via the Tasmanian Liberal Government.
Most would remember when SPC Ardmona
were hoping for government assistance in order to save jobs and the
resultant usual Liberal lies about unions and greedy employees. That was
at the same time Employment Minister, Senator Eric Abetz, was trying to justify a hand-out of $16 million to the foreign-owned junk food giant, Cadbury.
Speaking of Tony Abbott, we have also seen the man responsible for his personal campaign funding, John Caputo, dragged through ICAC and emerge not looking too flash.
On top of that, we have seen the man in charge of the Federal Liberal Party’s fundraising, Paul Nicolaou, who is a lobbyist for the alcohol and gambling industry, called before ICAC with disturbing allegations.
Even today, new allegations have emerged of questionable funding from extremely questionable friends.
It seems the proceeds of organised crime may have found their way into the Liberal Party coffers.
The front-page investigation
by Fairfax Media has revealed that one of the hosts of the "Bruce
Campaign Fundraising Dinner”, who helped bankroll the Liberal Party’s
campaign for the marginal Victorian seat, is a Mafia kingpin and
suspected Godfather. Police had described the man in court as allegedly
involved in "murder, gunshot wounding and arson" and has been named as the suspected hit-man at two coronial inquests.
Nice, just the kind of guy we like to see our politicians owing favours to.
We have also seen over the last couple of days that Abbott’s daughter was given
a $60,000 ‘scholarship’, something that Abbott failed to declare on his
interests register, despite it clearly being done as a political
favour. It is a shame that the college does not award scholarships based
on merit.
With all of this going on, is it any wonder there are calls for a
Federal version of ICAC to hold Federal politicians to account?
Clearly, it is in the public’s best interest to have an independent
body to ensure that the public aren’t being taken for a ride and those
elected to look after our needs aren’t just there serving their own
interests.
It would seem that Campbell Newman has less than 25 per cent of Joe
Hockey’s personality or charm, as an audience with the Coalition’s
Queensland Premier costs only $5,000, as revealed in a NSW ICAC hearing.
The state that was home to the infamous Fitzgerald Inquiry back in the 1980s and took down the state’s most notorious Premier ever, the Nationals’ Joh Bjelke-Petersen, has now watered down the way it handles corruption allegations.
The appointment of a Queensland Crime and Misconduct Commission (CMC)
chairperson will no longer require bipartisan approval. It is fair to
say there is a great deal of apprehension about the controversial
changes, even from within the LNP.
The CMC has had a proud tradition of being an independent body whose
chairperson was selected in a bipartisan decision. This ensured little
prospect of bias or political favours being repaid.
Campbell Newman has utterly destroyed that tradition.
What NSW & Qld Premiers have in common & changes to CMC condemned by Fitzgerald Inquiry elders
(Image screenshot abc.net.au) The ICAC testimony of Chris Hartcher's ailing former
staffer and alleged bagman, Ray Carter, could be the evidence that
brings the Abbott Government to its knees, writes Sydney bureau chief Ross Jones.
A MAN, advanced in years − a gay man, dyslexic, diabetic, partially
deaf; a liar, petty nicker maybe, but, ultimately honest and brave − could bring the Abbott Government to its liturgical knees.
Paternoster, baby.
Or, as Mr Fudd might have it:
"Say your pwayers, wabbit."
When I was very little, my parents, for reasons unknown, held some
kind of fete that involved the display of a carefully-constructed
ziggurat of honey jars atop a portable table. Naturally I wanted to
taste some and, hampered by my height and limited understanding of
physics, grabbed the closest jar — that is, the one at the bottom of the
structure.
Bugger.
I learnt a lesson that day. Take a bottom jar away and all hell can break loose.
Ray Carter could well be that jar.
Bagman and 40-year trusted ally of the cross-bench Member for Terrigal (Monsieur Hartcher, as Geoff Watson SC dubbed him) ate jelly-beans to stave off sugar shortfalls and had dizzy spells in the witness chair, but he did his duty.
Carter put himself in the line of fire.
Ray Carter sings like a canary: Whistle blown on illegal Liberal party donations
He ducked a few times (who wouldn’t?) but, given the bizarre and
intricate web of alliances and favours he has prowled, ever on the alert
for trapped donors, it’s hats off for the following in an exchange with
Watson:
Without going all Kate McClymonty and explaining everything (again and again), Paul Nicolaou heads the Federal Liberals main fundraising arm — the spookily-titled Millennium Forum.
John Howard’s lovechild with himself, the Forum has enjoyed a cascade
of cash from big swinging dicks since its inception in 1999.
Watson again:
Now, Carter’s evidence might well prove to be wrong — or not.
If not, it reads that Nicolaou was a party to washing dirty money into NSW for the 2011 landslide Liberal victory.
Nicolaou was the chief fundraiser for the Federal party.
Kevin Rudd arrives at the royal commission. Photograph: Dan Peled/AAP
Before he had said a word beyond giving his name, Kevin Rudd's
evidence to the royal commission into his former government's home
insulation program descended into a legal circus over accusations the
government was trying to gag Rudd.
The extraordinary debate late on Wednesday afternoon centred on the former prime minister's heavily redacted 31-page statement.
Almost
a full day behind schedule, Rudd appeared in Brisbane magistrate's
court but did not speak a word beyond giving his name as the
commissioner, Ian Hanger QC, and legal representatives held a heated
discussion about the huge portions of Rudd's statement which had been
redacted on request from the commonwealth due to parliamentary
privilege.
The current government set a precedent when prime minister Tony Abbott and attorney-general George Brandis released Labor cabinet documents to the royal commission earlier this year. The documents were intended for the eyes of the commission only.
"I
note that prime minister Abbott and attorney-general Brandis in a
departure from a 113-year-old convention made the decision to provide
cabinet documents to the commission and that the commission already has
those documents," Rudd wrote in an unredacted paragraph of his
statement.
"It is in any event in my view important for the families concerned that this material be considered."
The
request by Rudd's legal representatives that the cabinet documents now
be released to the public could set another precedent, well beyond what
was intended by Abbott and Brandis. The government's lawyers opposed the
request; the lawyers of the victims' families supported it.
Rudd's
legal representative, Bret Walker SC, told the commission the former
prime minister had "no problem" with all his statement being publicly
disclosed, but the decision was the commission's. He described it as
"intolerable" that Rudd could be asked to give evidence with the story
being so heavily truncated.
"My client is here ready immediately to verify his 31-page statement and all of it," Walker said.
Tom
Howes, for the commonwealth, requested the unredacted documents be
submitted in a closed session, not to the public. Hanger questioned
whether that was legally possible, and if he could then use the evidence
submitted in his final report.
Walker suggested Hanger's final
report would be "impossible" should Rudd not be allowed to fully answer
"suggestions" made by the current government that the home insulation
scheme was created in days.
"We want to answer that suggestion and we should be able to do so truthfully and fully," Walker said.
"The
present government can't have it both ways. It can't require you to
report faithfully on that matter and prevent you from pursuing the
evidence about it," he said.
"No other government has ever decided to ask a royal commission … for cabinet processes to be inquired into like this."
Hanger questioned the reasons for the requested secrecy.
"It's not like it will affect our relationships with other countries" he said of the information contained.
The commission adjourned until Thursday without making a decision.
Despite
sitting in the box for an hour, Rudd made no statements to the
commission other than to say he had a flight booked for Thursday
afternoon, but could stay late if requested.
Earlier on Wednesday
the former environment minister Peter Garrett told the commission he
took shared responsibility for the scheme which has been linked to the
deaths of four workers, but refused to describe it as a a fundamentally
flawed program when the suggestion was put to him. The same assessment
had been put to former parliamentary secretary Mark Arbib the day
before, and Arbib said in hindsight it was correct.
He denied the scheme was "flooded with shonks"
but said he underestimated how many people –including some who failed
in their duty of care to employees – took the money-making opportunity
presented by the home insulation program.
Tony Abbott spent a lot of time campaigning in the Liberal Party's corruption hub on the NSW Central Coast The NSW Coalition Government is showing itself to be one
of the most corrupt in the nation's history, with questions now arising
about the conduct of Prime Minister Abbott, writes Peter Wicks.
During the Gillard Government, and the second Rudd government, there
was one particular electorate that was, arguably, talked about more than
any other in the country.
That electorate was Dobell on the NSW Central Coast.
Tony Abbott and others from his front and back bench were always
talking about the good people of Dobell and how they deserved to have a
member looking after their interests that they could be proud of.
Despite Thomson delivering many achievements for his electorate,
Abbott was keen to point out that Thomson must have been spending too
much time on legal matters rather than his electorate's interests.
Tony Abbott was so concerned for the good people of Dobell and
adamant they have a voice, he effectively tried to mute them. There was
the talk of Thomson being a “tainted vote” and then the childish and comical episode where Tony Abbott and Christopher Pyne bolted for the door in Parliament, like a couple of tourists dashing for the loo after a dodgy curry, just so they wouldn’t have to vote the same as Thomson.
Tony Abbott (and Christopher Pyne) running from Parliament to avoid accepting Craig Thomson's vote.
How mature.
Tony Abbott promised the people of Dobell he would deliver integrity
to the electorate and put up a candidate that was honourable and
trustworthy.
Last September, it seems Tony Abbott broke another promise to the people of Dobell, as his Party delivered them Karen McNamara
Since being elected, the new Liberal member for Dobell can hold her
head high and tell of the many things her government has delivered for
this generally working class area, such as:
a new debt tax;
a charge to visit the GP;
attacks on pensioner living standards;
plans to endorse racial vilification; and
unaffordable university fees for most families;
So honourable and trustworthy is Abbott’s colleague Karen
McNamara that she is the second Liberal Party Federal MP hauled in
before ICAC to explain themselves (the first being former Assistant
Treasurer Arthur Sinodinos).
McNamara allegedly boasted that she had raised approximately $300,000
for campaigns in the region. This included one campaign, where it is
alleged she claimed to have raised $80,000 for that seat, despite only
declaring $11,082.04 in donations.
An excuse that has been offered up is that often candidates
often inflate their fund-raising results to make themselves look better.
This effectively tells the people of Dobell that they have a Federal Member that is corrupt, a liar or – as I suspect – both.
ICAC heard evidence that one donation was banked by an unregistered company called Eightbyfive.
ICAC has also hear allegations that Eightbyfive was set up by Tim Koelma.
Eightbyfive was used as a means of funnelling illegal political
donations to the Liberal party — or, in other words, launder money.
With all of these allegations surrounding McNamara, one would think
that if Abbott was interested in consistency and not seeking to appear
hypocritical, he would be declaring McNamara’s votes tainted and
suspending or expelling her from the Party.
This was, after all, what he demanded Gillard do with Thomson.
However, just like his views on governments promising no new taxes
before an election and then delivering one after being elected, Tony’s
views on tainted votes and what makes an honourable member seem to have
undergone a transformation since taking office.
In Sydney, the ICAC circus rolls on taking down Liberal member after Liberal member.
ICAC commission hears of luxury yacht: Rena Sarumpaet
Whilst this is going on, the jobs for the boys and dodgy undeclared donations saga also continues with new NSW Premier Mike Baird refusing to answer question on serious allegations raised
about his role in undeclared political donations in his campaign and
one of his donors being given some lucrative positions on a silver
plate.
Along for the trip were factional power player Anthony Roberts, religious extremist David Clarke, and even the former Attorney General Greg Smith and his political hopeful son Nathaniel. Also invited for a cruise was now disgraced former Police Minister Michael Gallacher.
What is truly alarming is that the two highest authorities on law and
order in NSW have both been implicated in the corruption scandal that
dominates politics in NSW currently.
Originally declaring $50,000 in donations from the Warringah Club
from 2010-2011, the club has suddenly felt it had to drastically top up
that figure to $75,000.
Also interesting, back in 2007, the Warringah Club was singled out by the NSW Election Funding Authority
for not complying with state disclosure requirements. Only after being
exposed did it then lodge a return that stated donations of $63,000 to
the Liberal Party, however details on where the money came from were
lacking, so it is unclear if any donations were in breach of the
donation cap or who, in fact, made the donations.
In NSW, Parliament House has started to bear a resemblance to the Big
Brother house, with a Liberal member being seemingly evicted for
corruption every week.
ICAC have shown the current NSW Coalition Government may be the most
corrupt government in this nation's history, with only the Obeid scandal
and the Joh Bjelke-Peterson years coming close in comparison.
Something is deeply broken within the Liberal Party of Australia.
Tony Abbott needs to decide whether he is complicit, or whether he will address it.
We are currently witnessing democracy at its worst.
Should Mike Baird be ICACing himself? (Image via @linmitdan) With the NSW Liberal Party being brought low by
revelations in ICAC, serious allegations emerge of illegal donations to
new Premier Mike Baird. Peter Wicks from Wixxyleaks reports.
Some have described it as a train wreck in slow motion, some have
described it as a disgrace, and others have seen it coming in the
distance for a long time — whatever your thoughts, the impact on the
Liberal Party has been catastrophic.
I am speaking of course of the ongoing Independent Commission Against
Corruption (ICAC) hearings, which seem to claim more Liberal and
National Party victims every week.
With so many Ministers, MPs and even a premier being forced to either
step down or resign you would assume that the Party would take especial
care when appointing a new NSW premier.
However, that would be forgetting that this is the Liberal Party we are talking about.
This is exactly the type of thing that ICAC has been flushing out and
exposing, and precisely what we’ve seen many in the NSW Liberal Party
resign over recently.
Some may call it electoral fraud.
Amongst those things Baird has failed, or refused, to explain was a donation that breached the electoral funding cap and comes from companies associated with Roger Massy-Greene.
This is significant, because Mr Baird then awarded Roger Massy-Greene
a lucrative consulting contract and was also appointed to a Government
board.
Something there is clearly not ‘above board’.
Liberal Party documents reveal that, on 9 March 2011 and in breach of the state campaign cap, Mike Baird's campaign received a donation of $5,000 from Eureka Capital Partners — which is a company owned by Roger Massy-Greene.
Records have also revealed that, on the same day, Mr Baird received a further $5,000 from Duvose Pty Ltd, which is also owned by Roger Massy-Greene.
Roger Massy-Greene (Image via smh.com.au)Clearly, Roger Massy-Greene was eager for his consulting contract and board appointment.
For Mike Baird to retain his premiership under these circumstances,
it could be argued that he is receiving more favourable treatment than a
drunken former minister and has less integrity than a disgraced former
premier, who resigned after misleading both parliament and the ICAC.
The roles Mike Baird awarded his generous donor/financier
Mr Massy-Greene were a $150,000 consulting contract for a measly three
months’ work, as well as a cushy appointment as chairman of Networks NSW
— which Baird was kind enough to double the salary for just prior to
the appointment to $200,000.
It’s nice to have friends in the right places, I suppose.
In Parliament, the Labor Party also questioned why Mike Baird had
failed to declare a single donation in his electoral return for the past
seven years. It was as if he had received no donations at all!
The records, however, paint a much different picture, showing Mike
Baird’s campaigns have had 43 different donors, who have declared more
than $170,000 worth of donations.
Records of Baird’s donations can be seen via the below link.
If Baird resigns, as many are calling for, we can expect to hear the word “honourable” touted about a lot, as we did when Barry O’Farrell fell on his sword.
But I don’t see much honourable about lying to voters, misleading parliament and deceiving ICAC. Similarly, I don’t see anything honourable in not declaring vast donations and using taxpayer funds to employ major donors to your election campaign.
Indeed, I see nothing particularly honourable about resigning — if it only occurs after you have been caught out and exposed for dubious conduct.
Do corruption hearings put political party reform on the agenda
Some people clearly have a different definition of the word honourable to me.
If Mike Baird heeds the chorus of calls for his resignation ‒ and,
frankly, I can’t see other option if he wishes to retain any kind of
dignity at all ‒ he will become the shortest serving premier in
Australia’s history.
If Mike Baird doesn’t resign, the people of NSW will know that they
have a Premier and a State Government that not only accepts dodgy
practices and scandal, but embraces it.
The people of NSW deserve better, but unfortunately given the
revelations coming out of ICAC, I fear there will soon be nobody left on
the Coalition front bench at all.
Though given the way they have been behaving, that may be a good thing.
Peter Wicks is a former NSW State Labor candidate and an ALP member. You can follow him on Twitter @madwixxy.
The front-page investigation
